Macmillan's Magazine was founded in 1859 by David Masson, the professor of English Literature at Edinburgh University. Masson was the journal's first editor (1859-68) and was followed by George Grove (1868-83), John Morley (1883-85) and Mowbray Morris (1885-1907). Contributors to the magazine included Alfred Tennyson, Thomas Hughes, Anne Clough and F. D. Maurice.
Macmillan's Magazine - History
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Margaret MacMillan was born to Robert MacMillan and Eluned Carey Evans on 23 December 1943. Her maternal grandfather was Major Sir Thomas J. Carey Evans of the Indian Medical Service. The senior Evans served as personal physician to Rufus Isaacs, 1st Marquess of Reading, during the latter's term as Viceroy of India (1921–26). Her maternal grandmother, Olwen Elizabeth, Lady Carey Evans, was a daughter of David Lloyd George, Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, and his first wife, Dame Margaret Lloyd George. 
MacMillan received a Bachelor of Arts degree in history from the University of Toronto, where she attended Trinity College. She would later become Provost 2002–2007. She holds a Bachelor of Philosophy degree in politics and a Doctor of Philosophy degree (1974) from Oxford University (St Hilda's College and then St Antony's College). She was Warden at St Antony's from 2007 to 2017.  Her doctoral dissertation was on the social and political perspectives of the British in India.
From 1975 to 2002, she was a professor of history at Ryerson University in Toronto, including five years as department chair.  She is the author of Women of the Raj. In addition to numerous articles and reviews on a variety of Canadian and world affairs, MacMillan has co-edited books dealing with Canada's international relations, including with NATO, and with Canadian–Australian relations.
From 1995 to 2003, MacMillan co-edited the International Journal, published by the Canadian Institute of International Affairs. She previously served as a member of the National Board of Directors of the CIIA, now the Canadian International Council, and currently sits on the International Journal's Editorial Board.  She was the Young Memorial Visitor at Royal Military College of Canada in 2004 and delivered the J.D. Young Memorial Lecture on 24 November 2004. 
MacMillan's research has focused on the British Empire in the late 19th and early 20th centuries and on international relations in the 20th century. Over the course of her career, she has taught a range of courses on the history of international relations. She is a member of the European Advisory Board of Princeton University Press. 
In December 2017, MacMillan became an honorary fellow at Lady Margaret Hall, Oxford. 
Her most successful work is Peacemakers: The Paris Peace Conference of 1919 and Its Attempt to End War, also published as Paris 1919: Six Months That Changed the World. Peacemakers won the Duff Cooper Prize for outstanding literary work in the field of history, biography or politics the Hessell-Tiltman Prize for History the prestigious Samuel Johnson Prize for the best work of non-fiction published in the United Kingdom and the 2003 Governor General's Literary Award in Canada.
MacMillan has served on the boards of the Canadian Institute for International Affairs, the Atlantic Council of Canada, the Ontario Heritage Foundation, Historica and the Churchill Society for the Advancement of Parliamentary Democracy (Canada). She is a Fellow of the Royal Society of Literature, an Honorary Fellow of St Antony's College, Oxford and a Senior Fellow of Massey College, University of Toronto. She has honorary degrees from the University of King's College, the Royal Military College of Canada and Ryerson University, Toronto.
She was made an Officer of the Order of Canada in February 2006.  She was promoted to Companion of the Order of Canada on 30 December 2015, the highest grade of the honour.  In 2017 while Theresa May was in power (among the New Year's honours of 2018), she was appointed a Member of the Order of the Companions of Honour.
On 29 May 2018, MacMillan received an Honorary Doctor of Letters from Memorial University in Newfoundland & Labrador.
In May 2019, MacMillan received an honorary degree from the American University of Paris. 
MacMillan often appears in the popular and literary press, with a focus on events surrounding the First World War. Examples in 2014 include her retrospective trip to Sarajevo on the centenary of the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand,   and interview wherein she saw similarities between then and 100 years before, remarked on the 2014 Crimean crisis and her perception that Vladimir Putin deplored Russia's place in contemporary politics, mentioned Iraq and the contention between China and Japan over the Senkaku Islands, and promoted the diplomatic corps. 
In September 2013 she was interviewed upon the release of her book The War That Ended Peace: The Road to 1914,  and was invited to lecture at the Bill Graham Centre for Contemporary International History on "How Wars Start: The Outbreak of the First World War" near when she received an honorary doctorate from Huron College at the University of Western Ontario.  She perceived similar tensions then with the Syrian civil war and the events in Sarajevo.
MacMillan has written several op-eds for The New York Times. In December 2013, they abridged an essay of hers from the Brookings Institution,  in which she wrote that "Globalization can have the paradoxical effect of fostering intense localism and nativism, frightening people into taking refuge in small like-minded groups. Globalization also makes possible the widespread transmission of radical ideologies and the bringing together of fanatics who will stop at nothing in their quest for the perfect society", and urged Western leaders to "build a stable international order" based on "a moment of real danger" which would unite the population in "coalitions able and willing to act". 
On the ten-year anniversary of the 11 September attacks in New York, MacMillan wrote an essay on the consequences of the acts, in which she dismissed the power of Osama bin Laden and stressed the secular nature of the Arab Spring revolutions that deposed Hosni Mubarak and Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. She concluded with the sentence "We should not let that horror distract us from what did not happen afterward." 
In August 2014 MacMillan was one of 200 public figures who were signatories to a letter to The Guardian opposing Scottish independence in the run-up to September's referendum on that issue. 
Macmillan's Magazine - History
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In transcribing the following portion of Baker’s article I have relied on the Hathi Trust’s online version and its invaluable, if a bit rough, OCR text. I have indicated page breaks, added both subtitles and additional paragraphing for easier reading on screen, and linked this text both to another part of his essay and other documents on this site, including articles from other Victorian journals, maps, and illustrations from contemporary periodicals. Please notify the webmaster if you encounter typographical errors. — George P. Landow
“From whatever point of view we regard slavery, it is an unmitigated evil. . . . I have endeavoured to exhibit the evil of slavery, while describing the difficulties attending a too sudden emancipation.” — Samuel W. Baker
Baker’s essay on the ancient history of slavery, its relation to certain religions and societies, and his recommendations for ways to end it in Egypt contains a bewildering concatenation of apparently opposed ideas and attitudes. His fierce hatred of slavery as an abomination makes a sharp contrast with his anthropological or sociological understanding of the role slavery plays in various societies just as his apparent advocacy of “women’s rights” (his term) collides with his shocking racism where the inhabitants of subsaharan Africa are concerned. Even that racism seems odd when he sympathetically discusses both the differences between tribes or ethic groups and describes successful attempts to introduce crops and thereby improve their health and safety. In addition to his unexpected use of enfranchisement rather than the usual emancipation when referring to freeing slaves (which suggests that the formerly enslaved immediately receive the right to vote), two particularly strange attitudes and ideas stand out: first, his firm belief, which derives from what I have termed his anthropological approach to individual societies, such the West Indies and Egypt, that although slavery is an abomination, slave owners in a society based upon that evil institution are not themselves guilty of any crime against humanity or even violation of moral law. From this assumption stems his insistence that although slavers — those who capture and enslave other people, in this case Africans — should be exterminated, people who own slaves must be compensated for their freed slaves. The practical political value of such an approach as a means of appeasing former slave owners so they don’t revolt and overthrow the government ordering emancipation seems obvious enough, but Bake’s emphasis upon the moral need to do so strikes a modern reader as bizarre. Second, given his emphasis upon explaining the effects of slavery to the nature of specific societies, one finds odd his complete inability to relate the work habits of subsaharan Africans to their climate and his consequent racist statements about Negro laziness. Such dismissive racism seems particularly unexpected when he explains how simply providing piace, seeds, and basic equipment allowed African groups to create flourishing agriculture. Still, he is a man who clearly believes slavery an abomination and who has managed to clear an entire portion of Africa of slave traders. — George P. Landow
he war between the Turks and Greeks which happened in our own time. The ruthless massacre of the Greeks was followed by a wholesale system of slavery. Young boys and lovely girls were torn from their blood-stained homes to be come the slaves and to gratify the lust of their brutal conquerors. That dreadful example of our friends the Turks represented the barbarity of remote ages. How many of our ancestors among the noble Britons perished as gladiators in the Roman arena? The Roman conquest of Britain furnished slaves celebrated above all others for their stature, personal beauty, and courage. From time immemorial the adverse fortune of war resulted in the slavery of the captives. This was a universal rule. It appeared that to enslave a fellow-man was a natural human instinct.
Slavery in Seventeenth-Century England
At the present day we regard the distant past with horror, and we are inclined to be almost incredulous to the historical accounts of wholesale slavery and massacre. We must at the same time remember that so recently as the reign of James II political prisoners of our own kith and kin were sold as slaves to toil and die in the tropics of the West Indies. The maids of honour of the Court of James II. (not 200 years ago) received presents of Englishmen condemned for treasonable offences. These victims of the law were sold by the Queen’s honourable maids to work upon the sugar plantations of Jamaica and the proceeds of the ﬂesh and blood of their own countrymen assisted to deck the fair persons of these courtly angels. When we regard such deplorable facts face to face, we must perceive the immense improvement of society, which in 150 years from that date resulted in the emancipation of all slaves in British possessions. This magniﬁcent example of humanity, at a cost of 20,000,000l. to this country, was the most noble act in the history of England. Less than a century and a half before that time Englishmen had been sold as slaves. Englishmen now determined that freedom was the natural inheritance of every human being, that the dark-coloured skin, in the eye of Him who had created it, was entitled to the same justice as the white.
From that hour England proved her right to represent true Christianity. Steadily has our country worked in the cause of liberty, not only for the black savage, but for our own people. This great example, heroically made at an immense sacriﬁce, stirred up the hearts of other nations, which joined in the good cause until at length the question of slavery was raised in the New World. The interests of the South were supported by slave labour. Civil war commenced on a gigantic scale. The great political convulsion in America terminated in the emancipation of the slaves.
Slavery, the Ottoman empire, and Islam
By this grand act, the result of England’s ﬁrst example, the whole civilized world had declared against slavery. The only slave-holding powers with whom we are in communication are Turkey and Egypt, combined as the Ottoman empire. All Christian countries had agreed upon the freedom of the blacks. The Moslem alone represented oppression, and resisted the great movement of liberty. We have already seen that the actual question of slavery rests upon religious creeds. The Mohammedan believes in the laws of Moses and in those of the Koran, which encourage, or at the least sanction, the slave trade. It is therefore impossible to convince so fanatical a people of the crime of slave trading. They have the answer ready— “You are Christians, and your laws prohibit slavery. “We are Mohammedans, and our laws permit it. We believe that we are right, and you, being infidels, must be wrong.” If the Mohammedans were more powerful than Christian countries, they would scorn and defy our interference.
Slavery is, in fact, a necessary institution to Mohammedanism. According to the laws of the Koran, a believer may have four wives at the same time. Thus, should each male take advantage of the law, a female population would be required four times as numerous as the male. Polygamy is the root of domestic evil, and must ruin the morality of any country. The destruction of domestic morality will entail a species of barbarism throughout the country where polygamy is permitted. The women remain ignorant. If educated, they would never permit so great an insult to their sex. It is therefore in the interest of the men that the females should remain without education. Nothing can be so detrimental to the prosperity of a country as the ignorance of women. The Mohammedan girls are married to men whom they have never seen until the bridal day. Very few can either read or write. They are kept prisoners in the harems, jealously guarded by black eunuchs and they know absolutely nothing of the outer world, few having an idea of any country beyond their own, of which they know but little. Whether the world is round or square they could not tell. Ignorance begets idleness. The life of the harem is passed in frivolous, and not always modest, conversation. The time is killed with difﬁculty by such amusements as the dancing girls, the almah, and the tittle-tattle of female friends, assisted by as much sleep as can be coaxed from the day by languidly lounging upon the divans in a state of dishabille. It is not to be supposed that harem life is a terrestrial paradise, where love revels in undisturbed harmony. Every house is full of discord in proportion to the number of wives and concubines. Jealousies innumerable, together with “envy, hatred, malice, and all uncharitableness,” form the domestic bill of fare for the polygamist. It follows as a matter of course that uneducated mothers are incapable of instructing their children.
The little ones born in the harem are witnesses of the jealousies and bickerings of the various mothers from earliest in fancy. They grow up with the feelings of hatred for their half-brothers that such an example would insure. The boys are launched into school-life without those sterling rudiments of education and that mother’s fond advice that is with us the sheet-anchor throughout our lives. They leave the harem not only ignorant, but wicked full of low cunning, and without the slightest regard for truth. As the boy's early life has been passed in jealousies and hatreds among the women and their offspring in the harems, so he carries these feelings into life. He grows up without affection -—cold, selﬁsh, hypocritical, cunning. and fanatical. He possesses no love of home, for his home was one of divided affections comhined with hatreds. Without a love of home there can be no love of country thus in Mohammedan countries there is no patriotism, but only fanaticism. This miserable position is mainly due to polygamy thus the result of the system is the moral ruin of a country.
It is natural that a great demand for women should, to a certain extent, render them indolent. The young girl grows up with the certainty that, without any exertion on her part, she will eventually be provided for by marriage. She has therefore no inducement either to cultivate accomplishments or in any way to improve her present condition. She thus passes her early years in the idleness and ignorance of the harem until her turn shall arrive for marriage after which, she will expect a staff of slaves to be in constant attendance. Female slaves, according to the present domestic arrangements of Turkey and Egypt, are absolutely necessary in the harems. It is impossible to hire Arab women as domestic servants. Women are too scarce, owing to polygamy therefore, being made independent by marriage, they will not engage as servants. Slaves are the only resource but even these are frequent additions to domestic difficulties.
The female slaves of Turkey and Egypt may be divided into three classes —Circassian, Abyssinian, and negresses. The Circassians rank the highest and although they commence their harem life in the position of slaves, they are usually advanced to the dignity of wives. Thus a married lady has frequent cause to be jealous of her own slaves, who, having gained the affections or won the admiration of her husband (their master), may become his wives, and, if young, may enjoy greater favour than herself, the mistress.
The Abyssinian girls are remarkably pretty, with large eyes and delicately shaped features. These girls are brought down from the Galla country by the slave-dealers from Abyssinia. That beautiful country, which, had we not wantonly deserted it, might have become of great importance, is now a prey to anarchy. The opposing tribes are only too happy to sell their female prisoners to the Arab slave-traders. These people bring down the young girls in gangs by various routes, but the principal outlet is the Red Sea, about Massowa. A great market is at Gallabat, the frontier town of Abyssinia. There I have seen them crowded together in mat tents, waiting for purchasers from those commissioned to procure slaves by the wealthy Arabs and Turkish ofﬁcials. At Gallabat a handsome young girl of sixteen is worth about 15l., but the same girl at Cairo would fetch 40l. or 50l. The Abyssinians are a much advanced race compared with the negroes of Central Africa. The women are very affectionate and devoted to those who show them kindness. Thus, as they combine beauty with devotion, they are much sought for, and command a high price in the market. They are seldom purchased by common people, as their price is too high, and they cannot earn money by bodily labour like negresses, being too delicate and unable to sustain fatigue. Although they are generally termed Abyssinians (Habbesheea), I have never met with a true high-caste Abyssinian girl—these would be Christians where as all I have seen have been Gallas—a Mohammedan race. Many of these poor girls die from fatigue on the desert journey from Gallabat to the seacoast. Those who reach Khartoum, or the towns of Lower Egypt, are sold to the wealthy, and generally take a high position in the harems, often becoming the wives of their purchasers. In the Soudan I have met several charming Abyssinian ladies, who, having married European residents, have become perfectly civilized: proving that the race is capable of great advancement.
We now arrive at the lowest class—the negress—the slave “par excellence," as accepted in England. The negro slaves are captured from every tribe between Khartoum and the equator. There is no slave maps, but every slave has been kidnapped by the slave—hunters of Khartoum. Before I suppressed the slave trade of the White Nile, about 50,000 slaves were brought down from the countries bordering that river every year. The young girls are preferred when about seven or eight years old, as they are more readily taught the work required. The best looking girls are taken north, and are distributed to the various markets by diverse routes some to the Mediterranean, via the desert from Kordofan to Tripoli others to the Red Sea, and many to Egypt. The negresses purchased for the harems occupy the position of either simple slaves or concubines, according to the desire of their proprietor, but they very rarely, if ever, attain to the dignity of wives, as they are properly regarded as the most inferior race. They are accordingly in the common position of servants.
This short description of the domestic position of female slaves will be sufficient to explain the want of cohesion throughout Mohammedan society. There are few fathers, but many mothers. There is so constant an admixture or foreign blood that it is difﬁcult to decide a true ethnological position. In one family there may be by the various mothers a half Circassian, half negress—half Abyssinian, half Arab, half Turk and this motley group of half bred children will in their turn procreate a second generation of half breeds, by intermarrying with women of strange races. Such a progeny must be incapable of the feeling of patriotism. They belong to no special race, and consequently they take but small interest in the prosperity of the country. Each prosecutes his selﬁsh interests. There is no nationality not even a patriotic ejaculation common to other countries. . . .
Suppressing Slavery and the Slave Trade
If we accept the present miserable state of Northern Africa as the result of Mohammedan conquest and occupation, and believe, as I have suggested, that the domestic laws—and especially polygamy—are the curse of the country, the ﬁrst step towards a wholesome reform must be the suppression of the slave trade, which will reduce the number and supply of women. If the sexes are nearly balanced, polygamy will by degrees cease to exist. When education shall have improved the intellectual condition of women, and the suppression of the slave trade shall have proscribed the imports of foreign women, the natural instincts of their sex will determine their domestic position. Women will refuse to remain like herds of females belonging to one male, and they will be enabled to assert the natural right of one woman to be the sole conjugal companion of one man. This will be one of the great moral results of the suppression of the slave trade: that women shall no longer be subjected to such competition, by reason of extra ordinary numbers, that they must sub mit to the degrading position in which they are now placed by polygamy. If women are in moderate numbers, they will be enhanced in value, and they will be able to assert “women’s rights” but they, like all other articles, will be reduced in value when the supply exceeds the demand. At present the free trade in foreign women in Egypt and Northern Africa reduces the value of the home production thus they have no escape from the degradation of polygamy.
England’s Errors in the Emancipation of Slave in the West Indies
From whatever point of view we regard slavery, it is an unmitigated evil. In a short outline we have traced its origin to barbarous ages, and we have admitted that such an institution is incompatible with civilization. At the same time we must admit that the question is surrounded by many difﬁculties. In England we at once cut the Gordian knot, and by an Act of Parliament we suddenly emancipated our slaves and rewarded the proprietors with an indemnity of twenty millions. There can be no question that the act was chivalrous, but at the same time foolish. There was a lack, not only of statesmanship, but of common sense, in the sudden emancipation of a vast body of inferior human beings, who, thus released from a long bondage, were unﬁtted for a sudden liberty. The negroes thus freed by the British Government naturally regarded their former proprietors as their late oppressors, from whom they had been delivered by an Act of Parliament. This feeling was neither conducive to harmony nor in dustry. The man who is suddenly freed requires no logic to assure him that he has been wrongly held in slavery his ﬁrst impulse is therefore to hate his former master. A slave who has through out his life been compelled to labour, will naturally avoid that labour when freedom shall afford him the oppor tunity. Therefore the sudden enfranchisement of a vast body of slaves created a ruinous famine of labour, and colonies that had been most prosperous fell into decay the result of ill-advised although philanthropic legislation. If a value had been ﬁxed upon every negro slave as the price of liberty, and he had been compelled to work with his original master at a certain rate per day until he had thus earned his freedom, the slave would have appreciated the beneﬁt of his industry he would have become industrious by habit, as he would have gained his reward. At the same time he would have parted, or perhaps have remained with his master, without an imaginary wrong.
Ending Slavery in Turkey and Egypt
The emancipation of slaves must be gradual, especially in such countries as Turkey and Egypt. England may play the philanthropic fool, and throw away twenty millions for an idea, but how can we expect a poor country to follow so wild an example? This is one difﬁculty. We press Egypt to emancipate her slaves and to suppress the slave trade but the emancipation would be most unjust and in judicious unless compensation were given to the proprietors who had purchased those slaves when slavery was an institution admitted by the Govern ment. A Government has no more right to take away a man’s slave than his horse or his cow, unless some wrong has been committed in the acquisition. Where a Government cannot afford to pay a general indemnity for a general enfranchisement, it is absurd for Eng land to press for a general emancipation. We will even suppose that the slaves were suddenly emancipated throughout the Egyptian dominions, what would be the result? One half would quit the country and return to their old haunts of savagedom. Others would become vagrants the women would set up drinking and dancing houses, and a general demoralization would be the result.
The present physical condition of slaves throughout Egypt is good. They are well fed, and generally are well treated by their masters. In many cases a slave rises to a high rank. I know an instance where a slave rose to the high position of Pasha and Major General. One of the lieutenant colonels under my command had originally been a slave and most of the ofﬁcers in the Soudan regiments had risen through good conduct from the same low origin. Among the upper classes, the domestic slaves are frequently in a better position than other household servants. A servant may give notice to his master, and change his situation at will thus he loses the conﬁdence that would be reposed in the slave who actually belongs to his master. Slaves are generally proud of belonging to a master and I have frequently heard them speak with contempt of those who have no proprietor, as though they were so inferior that they were generally disowned. It is a mistake to suppose that the slaves throughout the East are anxious for delivery. Negroes do not care for change. If they are well fed and clothed, and not overworked, they are generally faithful and contented. Among the lower classes, the slave always eats from the same dish as his master and there is a feeling of pride in his position, that he forms a portion of the family. The eunuchs are especial favourites, and are always acceptedas members of the household entitled to peculiar consideration. They are accustomed to eyery luxury, and take the highest positions in the houses of the wealthy.
It has been remarked that the Viceroy of Egypt, if in earnest, should set the example of liberty by emancipating all the slaves of his harems. Such re marks can only proceed from those who are utterly ignorant of the position of eunuchs in a royal household. These effeminate personages never work they are perfectly incapable of earning a livelihood by any other occupation except that in which they are engaged. To set these people at what is called “liberty ” would be to turn them on to the streets to starve. This being the general position of slaves in Egypt, the question of enfranchisement is extremely difﬁcult. Liberty would certainly not improve the temporal condition of the slaves. At the same time, slavery should be suppressed. “To must remember that the population of Egypt is unequal to the amount of labour required for the cultivation of the land. The principal fellahs, or farmers, of Upper Egypt are large proprietors of slaves. These negroes work the water-lifts for irrigation, and perform the chief labour on the ﬁelds. They are contented and well-conducted people, who would certainly not be improved by a sudden emancipation, which would as certainly bring ruin upon the farmer, whose land Would be thrown out of cultivation. The more intimate we become with the subject, the greater is the difﬁculty in dealing with slavery so as to be just to all parties. We have no right suddenly to snatch up the cause of the negro, and bring a verdict of guilty against his master. If we determine to offer justice to the black man, we must also preserve some show of equity towards the white. No one has a greater horror of the slave trade than myself, and perhaps no one has made greater personal efforts to suppress it but I must acknowledge that custom and ancient laws have granted a right to certain races, according to their religious belief, not only to bold, but actually to trade in human beings. To carry out our views of philanthropy we exert moral force on land, and physical force at sea but we must admit that the physical force has achieved more than the moral in the suppression of the African slave trade. Notwithstanding our efforts during many years, it is notorious that the slave trade still ﬂourishes to a large extent, which proves that this old institution is so deeply engraved upon the hearts of certain nations that they will run the most dangerous risks in such an enterprise. If we are determined to suppress this abomination, we must sternly insist upon its suppression, but this must not be in vague terms. The nuisance is admitted, and the evil must be vigorously attacked. At the same time, a certain respect is due to Turkey and Egypt.
The Viceroy of Egypt, Ismail Pasha, has taken the initiative at the request of European powers, especially Eng land. The great difiiculty is a decided plan of action. The assumed case is as follows:—
- The negro is sure to retrograde if left to his own unassisted endeavours.
- Under certain conditions he is a valuable member of society.
- These conditions necessitate a certain amount of coercion.
- Without coercion he is useless: with coercion he is valuable.
- The negro has therefore been made a slave from time immemorial.
We are now determined to enfranchise him, therefore we must decide upon his future position. In my opinion, we must make a distinction between those negroes who have been slaves, and those who are the free inhabitants of their own country, when we consider this important question.
I have endeavoured to exhibit the evil of slavery, while describing the difficulties attending a too sudden emancipation. The wisest course would be a gradual eufranchiscment, commencing from a certain date and I would suggest that in this instance we should pay some respect to Mohamme dan powers by so far adhering to the Mosaic law as to adopt the principle of the Hebrew term of bondage—“ then in the seventh year thou shalt let him go free from thee.” By adopting this course the slaves would be gradually educated for liberty, while the interval of seven years would enable their proprietors to make certain domestic arrangements that would prevent con fusion on the day of jubilee. I believe that a reform thus quietly carried out would simply change the slave into a free servant, and that few would leave their old masters. At the same time that the blessing of freedom would be conferred upon the slave, no actual wrong would have been inﬂicted on his master. The seven years’ gratuitous service would be the price of liberty, and would cancel the ﬁrst cost of purchase. [187-193]
Related Material about, Egypt, the Sudan, and the British Empire
Baker, Samuel W. “Slavery and the Slave Trade.” Macmillan’s Magazine . 30 (July 1874): 185-95. Hathi Trust Digital Library online version of a copy in the Cornell University Library. Web. 3 September 2020
The private life of Harold Macmillan
This December marks thirty years since the death of Harold Macmillan, the Prime Minister who took over in 1957 from Anthony Eden following the Suez Crisis. He is perhaps best known for his soundbites – describing the breakup of the British Empire as an African ‘wind of change’, or claiming that in Britain’s affluent postwar society people had ‘never had it so good’. Less is known, however, about his lifelong battle with shyness and the lengths to which he went to conceal his private thoughts and emotions – an aspect of his character crucial to understanding his premiership.
‘When a man becomes Prime Minister,’ remarked Macmillan towards the end of his life, ‘he has to some extent to be an actor.’ From an early age, his determination to conceal his anxious, insecure disposition was an important part of his personality. Almost from birth, the tendency to stifle private sentiments troubled him. Biographer Alistair Horne described Macmillan’s father as ‘shy and retiring’, while his mother was ‘so tough and powerful as to inhibit all three sons, making them repressed and withdrawn’. The bookish, introverted Harold developed an ‘extreme dislike of doing things in public’, which ‘pursued him right through his youth and into his early days in the army, and to some extent he found himself having to fight against intrinsic shyness throughout his life.’
It took the declaration of war in 1914 to teach Macmillan how to shield this shy self by erecting a public persona behind which he could hide. Naturally, the war gave him a first taste of contact with working-class men, and despite noting in his autobiography how he had admired the ease with which they interacted with one another, found that the clear social chasm made it difficult for him to relate to them. His response was to turn himself into a caricature of an aloof military man, hiding his sensitivities behind exaggerated aristocratic mannerisms and an apparently cool demeanour.
Macmillan’s war forced him to confront situations that exposed his vulnerable personality, and repeatedly he hid behind a protective public persona that bore little relation to his inner sentiment. When on occasion Macmillan was unable to maintain this persona, the results were dramatic, as he recalled in his autobiography when an injury sustained during the Somme left him crawling alone in search of medical assistance:
. fear, not to say panic, seized me. I suppose that courage is mainly, if not wholly, the result of vanity or pride. When one is in action – especially if one is responsible for men under one’s command – proper behaviour, even acts of gallantry, are part of the show. One moves almost automatically as . an actor on the stage. But now . I was alone and nobody could see me. There was no need to keep up appearances, and I was very frightened.
The private, to Macmillan, did not belong in public, a coping strategy which proved useful in maintaining military authority, or in instilling calm in a government rocked by Anthony Eden’s panicked incompetence in 1956. Indeed, as Horne notes, by the time he became Prime Minister, Macmillan’s public performance left contemporaries confused ‘as to where the real man ended and the actor began’.
His coping strategy, however, proved to be his undoing. His wife Dorothy carried on a lifelong affair with Tory backbencher Robert Boothby – an open secret in political and journalistic circles. Though Macmillan conducted himself with a dignity that certainly earned the respect of his peers with regard to the affair, it nonetheless compounded an already privately insecure and prudish personality and intensified his retreat behind his public persona. That the affair dragged on until Lady Dorothy Macmillan’s death in 1966 highlights Macmillan’s inability to confront matters of a personal nature. Cuckolded, emasculated, and unable to pursue a divorce that would have certainly ended his political career, Macmillan was forced to live for over thirty years with a marriage to which his wife had been unfaithful. The most important human relationship in Macmillan’s life became part of a public performance, as opposed to a private sanctuary.
Significantly, it was a scandal involving the private life of one of his ministers – John Profumo, who was sleeping with a model named Christine Keeler at the same time she was involved with a Russian spy – that brought Macmillan’s public face crashing down. On the day Profumo’s indiscretion was first raised in the public realm of the House of Commons, Macmillan spent much of a diary entry discussing the trivial distinction between a ‘model’ and a prostitute, before distancing himself from Profumo’s acquaintances in their
raffish, theatrical, bohemian society where no one really knows anyone and everyone is ‘darling’. But Profumo does not seem to have realised that we have – in public life – to observe different standards from those prevalent today in many circles.
Macmillan perceived himself as speaking from inside the confines of the British political community, and was keen to point out the divide between ‘public life’ and ‘bohemian society’. Macmillan never confronted Profumo about the details of the affair. Ian Macleod was instead sent to wake Profumo in the middle of the night and ask the War Minister, about it. Macmillian appeared to be satisfied by the latter's denial, and maintained an aloofness from the sexual element of the scandal.
When rumours about Profumo in the press intensified, Macmillan’s response, rather than confront the situation privately, was to bury the scandal under a strong public denial. Profumo announced to the Commons that there had been ‘no impropriety whatsoever’ with Keeler, and Macmillan had not only pre-approved the statement, but also sat alongside Profumo throughout, even patting his minister on the back as he returned to his seat. In all likelihood the Prime Minister was made aware of Profumo’s indiscretion by the FBI as early as January, and appears therefore to have been a ‘silent accomplice’ to Profumo’s denials throughout. Regardless of when he learned the full truth, however, he was nonetheless publicly seen to be backing Profumo.
When the truth inevitably emerged and Profumo resigned on 5 June, Macmillan was therefore already perceived to have been complicit to some extent. The affair became an attack not on Profumo, but on the morality of Macmillan’s government, as numerous press reports claimed ministerial resignations were imminent and that Macmillan’s leadership was to blame. He was now linked, via Profumo, to the sexual underworld he had claimed in his diary to be so distant from, so much so that at a fête in Bromley, when Macmillan posed to have a photograph taken with a young girl, a member of the public whispered to him: ‘Take your hand off that little girl. Don’t you wish it was Christine Keeler?’ As far as the public perception went, Macmillan was now probably as immoral as Profumo.
The Profumo affair directly contributed to Macmillan’s departure from 10 Downing Street in October 1963, and is now seen as a scandal that represented a turning point in British politics, as the sexual permissiveness of the 1960s infiltrated Westminster. Perhaps, however, an even bigger question remains: was this the last time in history when a British Prime Minister was able to keep his or her private life out of public office?
Historical fiction books set in medieval England
The Evening and the Morning
By Ken Follett
It is the end of the Dark Ages and England is facing attack from both the Welsh and the Vikings. This is a harsh world, full of chaos and bloodshed, and the King has only a fragile grip on his country.
As the Middle Ages dawn, three very different characters will face a ruthless bishop who is desperate to increase his wealth and power. A young boatbuilder dreams of a better life for him and the woman he loves. A Norman noblewoman follows her husband across the sea to a shocking new world. A capable monk dreams of turning his humble abbey into a centre of learning admired across Europe.
This epic tale of ambition and rivalry is the prequel to Ken Follett's international bestseller The Pillars of the Earth, and the fourth book in his historical fiction series.
The Pillars of the Earth
By Ken Follett
Welcome to medieval England, where a civil war ravages the country and a monk is on a mission. Ken’s The Pillars of the Earth follows Philip, a devoted monk, who joins forces with Tom, a talented builder, to undertake the most ambitious project either has ever set themselves to. In a world in turmoil, however, their journey will not be a smooth one.
The first book in Ken Follett's series, The Kingsbridge Novels, this historical saga is one to get lost in.
Macmillan's Magazine - History
Clan MacMillan International
Clan MacMillan's history. A brief overview.
The MacMillans are one of a number of clans - including the MacKinnons, the MacQuarries, and the MacPhees - descended from Airbertach, a Hebridean prince of the old royal house of Moray who according to one account was the great-grandson of King Macbeth. The kin of Airbertach were closely associated with the Clann Somerhairle Ri Innse Gall ("Kings of the Hebrides"), the ancestors of the MacDougalls and the MacDonald "Lords of the Isles" and like their allies their interests in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries ranged throughout the Hebrides and the western coastal regions of the Scottish mainland, and into Ireland.
Though most of the clans certainly descended from Airbertach were associated with the Inner Hebrides (Tiree, Iona, Mull, Ulva and Colonsay) some others claiming the same descent were later settled inland along the strategic corridor that connects Lorn - the mainland region opposite those islands - to Dunkeld in Perthshire, where Airbertach's son Cormac was the Bishop in the early twelfth century. Tradition connects the MacMillans with a number of different places in the areas associated with Airbertach's kindred: Glencannel on Mull Craignish in Lorn, Leny and Loch Tayside in Perthshire. See a map of these and other Clan MacMillan lands.
Clan MacMillan’s progenitor
Bishop Cormac's son Gilchrist, the progenitor of the Clann an Mhaoil, was a religious man like his father and it was because of this that he wore the tonsure which gave him the nickname Maolan or Gillemaol. The church origins of the MacMillans are reflected in the connection of some of the earliest "children of Maolan" to two religiously based clan confederations: the Clann GhilleFhaolain ("Devotees of St. Fillan") in Perthshire and Galloway and the Clann GhilleChattain ("Devotees of St. Catan") in Ulster, the Hebrides, and particularly Badenoch and Lochaber. See a graphic of our progenitor's lineage.
Feuding with the Mackintoshes for the captaincy of "Clan Chattan" - the devotees of St. Catan - involved the MacMillans in defeat at the Battle of the Clans at Perth in 1396 and finished with the chiefly family’s near-extermination at The Palm Sunday Massacre of 1430. A survivor of the massacre, Alexander mac Lachlan, fled to Knapdale, where some of the clan had probably been settled since the mid-13th century and the famous cross that he later erected there may well be a memorial to the family and lands he lost in Lochaber. The MacMillans' charter from the Lord of the Isles for their lands in Knapdale was said to have been carved in rock on the beach at the Point of Knap:
Coir MhicMhaolain air a Chnap
Fhad's a bhuaileas tonn ri crag
MacMillan's right to Knap shall be
As long's this rock withstands the sea
Alexander MacMillan is also remembered in Knapdale for the tower he built at Castle Sween - often said to be the oldest stone castle in Scotland - which he held for the Lord of the Isles in the 1470s. Following the demise of the Lordship of the Isles at the beginning of the sixteenth century, Knapdale was given by the crown to the Campbells, whose tenants the MacMillans thereafter became and it was probably at this time that a son of the last MacMhaolain Mor a Chnap who remained loyal to the Lords of the Isles fled Kilchamaig in South Knap to re-establish a branch of the family in Lochaber, who became the Macmillans of Murlagan.
Followers of the Lord of the Isles and Lochiel, chief of Clan Cameron
The chief of the Camerons - the clan that had succeeded the orginal Clan Chattan as the lairds of Lochaber - let Murlagan and the neighbouring farms on Loch Arkaigside to the Macmillans for sword-service, and Clann 'ic 'illemhaoil Abrach ("Clan Macmillan of Lochaber") were among Lochiel's most important and loyal followers from the time of the last risings in favour of the forfeited Lords of the Isles in the middle of the sixteenth century, to the Jacobite rebellions of the eighteenth century. From Loch Arkaigside Macmillans settled further north on the mainland in Ferrintosh on the Black Isle, in Kincardine on Speyside, and particularly in Glen Urquhart where quite a large branch of the clan flourished in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
Following the loss of Knapdale many MacMillans from there settled to the south in Kintyre, much of which remained MacDonald territory for a century or so before also falling to the Campbells. A branch of the clan who were minor lairds in Carradale - and from whom the sept of Brown are said to originate - moved to the nearby island of Arran while other Knapdale and Kintyre MacMillans settled across the water on Jura, Islay and Colonsay. One of the branches of the old MacMillans of Knap, having been engaged in the cattle-droving business, was able to purchase the lease of part of the clan's old lordship from the Campbells and in 1742 Duncan MacMillan of Dunmore was recognised by the Lord Lyon as "the representative of the ancient family of MacMillan of Knapdale" i.e. as chief of the clan.
MacMillans in Galloway
Meanwhile the Galloway branch of the clan had continued to grow, despite the loss of much of its original possessions for supporting the Douglases in their fifteenth century rebellions in association with the old Lords of the Isles. The clan became particularly numerous in the Glenkens, where their chieftains for many centuries were the McMillans of Brockloch and later of The Holm of Dalquhairn (where their descendants still live). McMillans from Galloway - as well as from Arran - settled in Ayrshire and also in Glasgow and Edinburgh where in in the nineteenth century they were to be joined by a mass of distant cousins from the highlands and islands who could no longer get a living from the land or from the wielding of the sword for which the clan were famous.
Old World branches and surnames.
Their early history meant that the MacMillans, though an ancient and numerous clan, were by the 17th century split into branches within different parts of Scotland most of whom had to become followers of the more powerful chiefs of the other clans that came to dominate those areas. So the remnants of the Lochaber Macmillans became attached to the Camerons - and are sometimes even considered as a sept of that clan - while the Galloway McMillans were closely associated with the Black Douglases. Even the later chiefs of the clan in Knapdale were obliged to follow the politics of their landlords, the Campbells - which in the Jacobite rebellions of the eighteenth century put them at odds with some of their own kin in Lochaber and Glen Urquhart who were staunch supporters of the Stuarts. Indeed, Clann 'ic 'illemhaoil Abrach formed a company of Lochiel's regiment in "The '45" and fought as such at the battle of Culloden.
When surnames became necessary - which in the Highlands of Scotland was not until the late 1700s, or even the early 1800s - some of these "children of Maolan" took, or were given, the surnames of the chiefs they followed. There are examples as late as the middle of the nineteenth century therefore of the same family using both the names Cameron and Macmillan whilst other clan members are to be found recorded as Buchanans because of the "tradition" widely accepted in the eighteenth century - though now discredited - of the MacMillans being a sept of that clan. The Buchanan connection and claims probably derive from their inheritance in the fifteenth century of the estate of Leny in Perthshire which had been owned by a branch of Maolan's descendants and this resulted in the Buchanans also claiming as their septs a number of names that an ancient Leny family tree show were really also descendants of Maolan. See more about septs.
MacMillan immigration the New World.
See a page devoted to the Scottish diaspora and how MacMillans fit into it.
Much more information regarding Clan MacMillan and its history is available to members of Clan MacMillan International and some Clan branchs. If you are not already a member, see how to join and access these and more benefits.
See an interactive map of Clan MacMillan lands in Scotland. This map is available for sale as an archival print.
Clan MacMillan, a New History is now available. Download a PDF for details on the content, price and ordering information.
The official website of Clan MacMillan International
Macmillan's Magazine - History
The MacMillans are descended from Gilchrist, one of six sons of Cormac, the Bishop of Dunkeld around 1100. Gilchrist was a monk in the Celtic church in Moray and his tonsured hair cut is rendered in Gaelic "Mhaoil-Iain" or "Gille Maolin". Around 1160 King Malcolm IV removed the MacMillans from Lochaber to Lawers in Perthshire. However, John, son of Malcolm Mor MacMillan returned to Lochaber in 1335 and the clan remained there for centuries until they were forced to leave by the Camerons .
The clan fought at the Battle of Bannockburn with Robert the Bruce in 1314 and were granted lands at Knapdale around 1360. A MacMillan tower, near Castle Sween is a reminder of their time there. Other branches of the clan settled in Galloway and Arran. It was Alexander MacMillan from Arran who established the publishing firm of MacMillan. Harold MacMillan , UK Prime Minister in 1957-1963 came from this family.
By 1742 the direct line of the MacMillan chieftainship had become extinct and the chieftainship passed to MacMillan of Dunmore at the side of Loch Tarbert. In 1951 Sir Gordon Holmes MacMillan of Finlaystone was recognised as clan chief by the Lyon Court. (The illustration here is of Finlaystone where clan gatherings have been held).
McMillan was the 67th most frequent surname at the General Register Office in 1995.
The clan motto is "Miseris sucurrere disco" ("I learn to succour the unfortunate").
The Brown and MacBaxter families are septs (sub-branches) of MacMillan.
There are a number of McMillan Web sites including those here and here as well as here and here .
A Five-Minute History of Michael MacMillan
Michael MacMillan and his friend Seaton McLean co-founded Atlantis Films in 1978 while studying film at Queen’s University. In the beginning, it was a straight-up film and TV production company and the pair distributed their programs by lugging 16mm film tins around the world.
In those early days, before specialty and satellite channels had mushroomed, people talked about the importance of producing content, says MacMillan. But that wasn’t where the money was. “Distribution was king,” he says.
Even though Atlantis hit the cinematic jackpot as a relatively young production house—it won an Academy Award for the short film Boys and Girls in 1984—it added distribution to the mix that year by setting up Atlantis Releasing.
That entity originally only distributed Atlantis’s own productions, but soon began distributing other companies’ programs. “Controlling the key access points [to content] was what made it possible to be successful in content,” says Macmillan.
The late ’80s and early ’90s saw Atlantis expand globally as it set up offices in Amsterdam, Sydney and L.A. In the mid-’90s, Atlantis got in the broadcasting game and launched Life Network. It was the first of several specialty channels it would operate after Atlantis merged with Alliance in 1998, the mega-company cornered the specialty TV market in Canada. If you recall programming about building a shed or mixing a soufflé from back then, it probably aired on one of the 13 specialty networks Alliance Atlantis Communications operated, including HGTV Canada and Food Network Canada.
Then, in 2007, CanWest Global Communications acquired Alliance Atlantis and MacMillan, who was executive chairman at the time, agreed to serve as a consultant during the transition.
For someone who stepped away from an executive career while the party was still good, it’s surprising he chose to come back to the working world at all.
For a long while, he didn’t think he ever would. But he “couldn’t help but keep an eye on the media scene” during his quasi-retirement.
And one development struck him as huge opportunity: the invention of the tablet. He believes tablets will only increase how much people enjoy reading, watching and listening. “I think lots of other change will follow from it,” he says. In MacMillan’s mind, that’s a very good thing for consumers and content creators alike. “I find that creating cultural products, shall we say, is fun and interesting and undergoing huge change.”
But even with all that change, he recognizes the money is still overwhelming in established media. Blue Ant keeps its hands in it, says MacMillan, “to thrive and grow in the new areas.” While he says some online services “have hit the ball out of the park online,” it’s less clear which content plays will thrive. He points out, though, that some of the content that’s done the best online so far originated in print, citing The Wall Street Journal and Maclean’s. “It’s an interesting balancing act there.”
Update: The print version of this story erroneously identifies Seaton McLean as Michael Seaton. This has been fixed in the online version. Marketing regrets the error.
Going with the Boys
By Judith Mackrell
On the front lines of the Second World War, a contingent of female journalists were bravely waging their own battle. Barred from combat zones and faced with entrenched prejudice and bureaucratic restrictions, these women were forced to fight for the right to work on equal terms as men.
Going with the Boys follows six remarkable women as their lives and careers intertwined in an intricately layered account that captures both the adversity and the vibrancy of the women’s lives as they chased down sources and narrowly dodged gunfire, as they mixed with artists and politicians like Picasso, Cocteau, and Churchill, and conducted their own tumultuous love affairs.
In her gripping, intimate, and nuanced portrait, Judith Mackrell celebrates these courageous reporters who risked their lives for a story and who changed the rules of war reporting for ever.
The Happiest Man on Earth
By Eddie Jaku
This heartbreaking yet hopeful memoir shows us how happiness can be found even in the darkest of times. In November 1938, Eddie Jaku was beaten, arrested and taken to a German concentration camp. He endured unimaginable horrors for the next seven years and lost family, friends and his country. But he survived. And because he survived, he vowed to smile every day. He now believes he is the ‘happiest man on earth’. This is his story.
The Trial of Adolf Hitler
By David King
On the evening of November 8, 1923, the thirty-four-year-old Adolf Hitler stormed into a beer hall in Munich, fired his pistol in the air, and proclaimed a revolution. Seventeen hours later, all that remained of his bold move was a trail of destruction. Hitler was on the run from the police. His career seemed to be over.
In The Trial of Adolf Hitler historian David King tells the true story of how Hitler transformed the fiasco of the beer hall putsch into a stunning victory for the fledgling Nazi Party - and a haunting failure of justice with catastrophic consequences.
1939: A People’s History
By Frederick Taylor
In the autumn of 1938, Europe believed in the promise of peace. Still reeling from the ravages of the Great War, its people were desperate to rebuild their lives in a newly safe and stable era. But only a year later, the fateful decisions of just a few men had again led Europe to war, a war that would have a profound and lasting impact on millions.
Bestselling historian Frederick Taylor focuses on the day-to-day experiences of British and German people trapped in this disastrous chain of events and not, as is so often the case, the elite. Drawn from original sources, their voices, concerns and experiences reveal a marked disconnect between government and people few ordinary citizens in either country wanted war.
1939: A People’s History is not only a vivid account of that turbulent year but also an interrogation of our capacity to go to war again . . .
The Women Who Flew for Hitler
By Clare Mulley
Hanna Reitsch and Melitta von Stauffenberg were talented, courageous women who fought convention to make their names in the male-dominated field of flight in 1930s Germany. With the war, both became pioneering test pilots and both were awarded the Iron Cross for service to the Third Reich. But they could not have been more different and neither woman had a good word to say for the other.
In The Women Who Flew For Hitler, biographer Clare Mulley gets under the skin of these two distinctive and unconventional women, against a changing backdrop of the 1936 Olympics, the Eastern Front, the Berlin Air Club, and Hitler's bunker.