Marble Grave Stele with a Family Group

Marble Grave Stele with a Family Group

"Marble Grave Stele With A Family Group" Essays and Research Papers

Family Health Jon Shepherd NUR/542 May20, 2013 Judith McLeod Family Health There are many ways to define family. The traditional definition is a group of related people living together in the same household. Families of today may have only one parent may have a step mother or step father may have adoptive parents, and in some cases may have parents of the same gender (Friedmann, Bowden, &amp Jones, 2003). Family is a term that can be interpreted differently by different individuals. .

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The Lesbigay Family: A Comparative Analysis

How is polyamorous family and same-sex marriage, families the same ? Can these two both demonstrate alternative families, with hopes of giving legitimacy to “non-traditional family structure?” Both groups are entwined with each other in the fight to alter family narratives, with the hopes of pushing the “ non-traditional” family structure to a nonconformity family. One, that is not seen as non ordain, or moreover, one that holds the same civil rights as the “traditional” family. To first highlight.

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Family Theory

Introduction After reviewing the theories, I have chosen Family System theory to discuss how various factors may impact at different stages in the family lifecycle in a Singapore context. “Family systems theory grew out of the general systems theory, a conceptual framework developed in the 1960s by Ludwig von Bertalanffy (1968), and family therapists applied these ideas to marriage and family as a system.” (Olson, 2003, p.71). He proposed that a system is characterized by the interactions of its.

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Interest Groups

Special Interests POL110 – U.S. Government Dr. Leah Raby Carlos A. Machado Z. June 9th, 2013 An interest group, also called an advocacy group or lobbying group, is a group of people or a no-profit organization that is determined to make or prevent changes in public policy without seeking political control (Wilson 2009). These include environmental, consumer, and political. Interest groups can be traced since the preindustrial years from 1830s to the 1870s, it was integrated by middle class citizens.

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Black Families

Family is a basic unit in every society. However, the makeup of a family is more complex to define. There are so many types of families that it is impossible to have one distinct definition in trying to explain how a true family is defined. For example, there are married couples with or without children, single-parent families, and even families headed by gay men or lesbians. These may not have been considered families not too long ago, but now must be recognized because we live in such a diverse.

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Family Values

What is a family? Since every family is different, who is to say one family is right or wrong from another. The easiest way most people describe a family is the father, mother and children. But as time has changed, the so called “traditional family” has also. Gay Marriage is not traditional, and is something in huge debate in times we live in families now have two fathers or two mothers parenting children the same way as heterosexual parents . Is this so morally wrong? Families change as history.

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Traditional Family

Family Structure and Children’s Well-Being John Pass Western Governors University---Washington Some have argued that the disparities in life outcomes are primarily determined by characteristics of the family. Family structure is a fundamental characteristic of the family. This fundamental characteristic has significant and sustaining effects on children. The traditional family structure can be defined as a family that has children living with both biological and.

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Family Assesment

the internal structure of a family and of its wider context, much like a family tree. A genogram broadly follows the conventions of a genetic chart. Usually at least three generations of a family are recorded, each generation occupying a separate horizontal level on the chart A genogram is relevant to family assessment for many reasons as it allows for information to be summarised and viewed in a simple manner it also provides a method for gaining insight into family development and functioning.

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Marble Cinematic Universe Analysis

the another world which is different with the living world and form a virtual view of the world like appearance of the super heros to save the people in the dangerous situations and the world that is worked by the magic, not science. As a result, ‘Marble Cinematic Universe’ is established and the Hogwarts is build in each countries. Like this, the view of the world forms one prologue through the Story telling : it is a compound word of ‘story’ and ‘telling’ and means delivering through the word.

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Group Therapy

Introduction Group therapies for drug and alcohol abusers use affiliation, support, and peer confrontation to help patients struggling to move from addiction to recovery. The practicum site chosen was Challenges, which is a state licensed and JCAHO accredited private addictions and mental health treatment center located in the greater Fort Lauderdale, Florida area. At Challenges the model of relapse prevention treatment represents a new and unique direction in relapse care. They incorporate the.

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The Glory That Was Greece: Greek Art & Archaeology (from the Modern Scholar: Great Professors Teaching You) Check out this resource! It has a lot. Do a search of your work or art vocabulary and you may find something valuable to use! Download the Greek Art & Architecture Guide

Greek Bronzes in the Metropolitan Museum of Art

CYCLADIC PERIOD (5000 – 2400 BCE) –

Terms to use and explain (Cycladic):

Artworks to discuss (Cycladic):

  • Standing female figure and Marble male figure (at MMA)
  • Seated harp player (at MMA)
  • Steatopygous female figure (at MMA)

Smarthistory on Cycladic Art (view for ALL Cycladic art pieces, including Standing female figureand Marble male figureand Seated harp player)

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Grave Stele of Thrasynos

Unknown 139.1 × 38.7 × 3.8 cm (54 3/4 × 15 1/4 × 1 1/2 in.) 72.AA.120

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Object Details


Athens, Attica, Greece (Place Created)

Object Number:

139.1 × 38.7 × 3.8 cm (54 3/4 × 15 1/4 × 1 1/2 in.)


Inscription: ΘΡΑΣΩ ΝΙΔΟ ΤΡΑΣΥΝΟΣ ΑΡXΙΛΛA:( "Thrasynos, [son] of Thrasonides [and] Archilla".)

Alternate Title:

Gravestone of Thrasynos (Display Title)

Object Type:
Object Description

A family group of mother, father, and son carved in a sunken relief panel decorates this Athenian grave stele or tombstone. The inscription above the relief names all the figures. Archilla, the mother, sits on a stool and shakes hands with her deceased son, Thrasynos, while Thrasonides, the father, stands in the background. The sacrificial knife in his hand and his special sleeveless garment indicate his status as a priest.

In ancient Athens family connections were very important in all aspects of life, and the imagery of funerary monuments emphasized family unity even after death. The handshake was a popular gesture on Classical Greek stelai, symbolizing the continuing connection between the deceased and the living family members left behind.

By 1971 - 1972

Nicolas Koutoulakis, 1910 - 1996 (Geneva, Switzerland), sold to the J. Paul Getty Museum, 1972.


Frel, Jiří. Antiquities in the J. Paul Getty Museum: A Checklist Sculpture I: Greek Originals (Malibu: J. Paul Getty Museum, 1979), p. 18, no. 67.

Frel, Jiří. Antiquities in the J. Paul Getty Museum: A Checklist Sculpture II: Greek Portraits and Varia (Malibu: J. Paul Getty Museum, November 1979), addendum, p. 43, no. 67.

Mantis, Alexandros. Provlemata tes eikonographias ton hiereion kai ton hiereon sten archaia Hellenike techne. (Thessaloniki: n.p., 1983), pp. 104-5, no. 6, p. 112, pl. 34b.

Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum, 33. Leiden: 1983, 227.

Frel, Jiří. "Ancient Repairs to Classical Sculpture at Malibu." The J. Paul Getty Museum Journal 12 (1984), p. 74, no. 5 fig. 2.

Pleket, H.W., R.S. Stroud, eds. Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum 34 (Amsterdam: J. C. Gieben, 1984), p. 85, no. 231.

Thickpenny, Helayna I. "Two Attic Grave Stelai in the J. Paul Getty Museum." The J. Paul Getty Museum Journal 13 (1985), pp. 1-8, fig. 1.

Butz, Patricia. Exequial paleographics: A catalogue of the later inscriptions in Greek on the funerary stones of the J. Paul Getty Museum. MA thesis. (University of Southern California, 1987), Appendix B, p. 306.

Le Dinahet, M.-T., and N. Mouret. "Les Steles funeraires grecques: Etudes stylistiques et iconographiques, annees 1980-1992." Topoi 3 (1993), pp. 124-5, no.45.

Clairmont, Christoph W. Classical Attic Tombstones. (Kilchberg, Switzerland: Akanthus, 1993), vol. 3, pp. 132-33, no. 3.305.

Osborne, M.J., and Byrne, S.G., eds., A Lexicon of Greek Personal Names, vol.2, Attica (Oxford, 1994) p. 324, p. 71, no. 5.

Bergemann, J. "Die burgerliche Identitat der Athener im Speigel der attischen Grabreliefs," in Griechische Klassik: Vortrage bei der interdisziplaninaren [. ] vom. 24-27. Oktober 1994 in Blaubeuren, ed. E. Pohlmann and W. Gauer pp. 283-4, pp. 283-4.

Scholl, Andreas. Die attischen Bildfeldstelen des 4. Jhs. V. Chr: Untersuchungen zu den Kleiformatigen Grabreliefs im spätklassischen Athen. (Berlin: Mann, 1996), pp. 63n389-392, 64n397, n401, n402, 102n692, 104, 136n936, 143n988, n990, 144, 341-2, no. 446, pl. 39,4.

Bergemann, Johannes. Demos and Thanatos. Untersuchungen zum Wertsystem der Polis im Spiegel der attischen Grabreliefs des 4. Jahrhunderts v.Chr. und zur Funktion der gleichzeitigen Grabbauten. Munich: 1997, p. 37n23, p. 215, no. 112.

Bodel, John, and Stephen Tracy. Greek and Latin Inscriptions in the USA: A Checklist (New York: American Academy in Rome, 1997), p. 7.

Gebauer, J. Pompe und Thysia: Attische Tieropferdarstellungen auf schwarz- und rotfigurigen Vasen. (Münster: Ugarit-Verlag, 2002), p. 473, n. 1786.

Grossman, Janet Burnett. Looking at Greek and Roman Sculpture in Stone (Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum, 2003), pp. 100, half-title page, ill.

Grossman, Janet Burnett. Funerary Sculpture. The Athenian Agora, v. 35. Princeton, NJ: American School of Classical Studies at Athens. 2013, pp. 56, fig. 12.

Gill, David W. J. “Context Matters: Nicolas Koutoulakis, the Antiquities Market and Due Diligence.” Journal of Art Crime 22: 71-78 (2019), p. 73.

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Familial Relationships, Hierarchy and their Relationship on Athenian Grave Stelai

There have been several studies on Attic Grave Stelai in the past few years, focusing upon the display of wealth and the social significance derived from the images depicted upon these stones. [1] Having examined the material that has been discovered in the cemeteries outside of Athens, it is possible to draw some conclusions about the choice of iconography and its implications for our knowledge of the relationship between the people concerned. It is the intention of this study to examine this material and attempt to explain the social significance of this particular style of sculptural representation. The central focus will be upon the Attic stelai showing more than one figure, particularly the &lsquofamily group&rsquo reliefs and their social significance. There will also be some discussion of classical stelai in general.

Following the hiatus in the erection of Athenian grave stelai from the beginning of the fifth century and the end of the Archaic period, this funerary tradition began to re-emerge around 430 BCE.[2] The general suspension of well-appointed funerary monuments may have been attributable to Kleisthenes, but this is not known for certain.[3]However, there was not a complete absence of stelai being erected between 490 and 430 BCE, with at least a few family groups ignoring the social convention of this period.[4] In view of the comparatively limited number of stelaibeing erected, it did not mean that the deceased were not honoured by their families, white-ground lekythoirepresenting mourners near tall stelai were still being dedicated.[5] Large white-ground lekythoi have been found in Attica, dated to as early as around 470 BCE[6], which may have been imitations of more expensive marble examples. So at the outset, it is crucial to remember that the classical Attic grave stelai were not the only type of memorial for the deceased, making up only a portion of the funerary monuments from the period.

At first it is pertinent to note a couple of important concepts. These grave stelai are not truly representative of Athenian society as a whole, namely because of the great expense incurred by the erection of such funerary monuments. An idea of the general cost around the time of 400 BCE for a well appointed burial has been provided by Lysias, who referred to a woman who put aside three hundred drachmas for the occasion.[7] This outlay could mean one of two things: either that only wealthy families could afford the expenditure to build such magnificent stele[8] , or that there was a great deal of effort to find the resources for such memorials by not so opulent households. This is important because it has implications for the significance of the images depicted. It appears probable that these grave stelai were not limited to only the local social elite[9], but many of the finest examples are likely to have been erected by the most affluent families. If these monuments were not restricted purely to the local elite and were the subject of great financial sacrifice by the average family, it would stand to reason that the images depicted on the funerary stele would have great significance to the family. Despite the presence of generic messages in this iconography, there was still quite a wide range of divergence in the messages displayed, which implies a particular significance for the families being represented and the deceased.

It is important to remember the social significance of these gravestones, taking for example the well-known and important cemetery at Kerameikos. The position of fourth century funerary monuments in this cemetery is of great significance, as these stelai were not secluded, but were clear and open dedications to the deceased and their family, being laid out on terraces, often with fine ashlar masonry walls.[10] The openness of these gravestones and their associated structures along the main access roads to Athens, where any passers-by would be able to view such opulent displays is significant for the understanding of such memorials. It seems reasonable that the rationale for these impressive structures was a combination of familial pride and respect for the deceased. This is shown by the famous fourth century BCE stele of Dexileos discovered in the Kerameikos cemetery (Fig. 1).

Figure 1. Stele of Dexileos. Athens Museum (from Richter).[11]

This stele does not mark a grave because Dexileos was a casualty in the first Corinthian War at Nemea in 394 BCE. The stele of Dexileos instead adorns his family&rsquos own peribolos.[12] This display does not necessarily mean that they should be classed as public monuments owing to the strong familial connection, making them essentially personal constructions. These reliefs appear to have both a private and public function. This dual role has implications for our understanding of them. It may explain the ambiguous nature of many of the inscriptions associated with the Attic grave stele. When viewed from a distance, most of the inscriptions were unintelligible for those members of the community who could read, but the sculptured images would have been quite clear. Therefore, for the passing traveller this would have had the most impact. However, the intimate friends and members of the household would naturally pay a great deal more attention to these memorials where the inscriptions would be clearly visible and would also have a lot more meaning to them because of their relationship. This explains why in many instances the inscription is vague about which figure on the sculpture represents the deceased. These inscriptions not only personalised the monument, but also seem to have been messages intended to reflect the close relationship between the familial members, intimately connecting the living with the deceased. It appears that there was no temporal rationale behind this connection, the living members of the family regarding themselves as being very much tied to their ancestors and their achievements.[13]

Family Representation of Attic Reliefs

Before examining several reliefs in detail, a few points concerning the imagery should be outlined. When first approaching these sculptures, one of the most compelling features is the difference in imagery between those dedicated by parents, husbands and children. It is quite common for deceased young men to be displayed in heroic fashion by their parents, which in many ways was an idealised representation of their lost son. This type of portrayal is seen on the relief of Dexileos (Fig. 1). The most important factor to bear in mind is that these images are in fact providing an indication about the nature of the relationship and emotional ties between the deceased and their surviving family. The erection of funerary monuments is as much a reflection of the living and their relationships as of the deceased. This becomes particularly interesting and revealing when examining the group representations.

Figure 2. Stele of Damasistrate. Athens Museum (from Johansen).[14]

The first group representation is the stele of Damasistrate. This stele (Fig. 2) leaves little question about the identity of the deceased because the inscription on the architrave only mentions Damasistrate, wife of Polykleides. It is, therefore, reasonable to assume that she has passed away. It is also quite safe to assume that she is the person seated on the &lsquothrone&rsquo chair in the foreground and that Polykleides is holding her hand. It was quite common for female figures to be seated in these reliefs &ndash especially matrons &ndash which in many ways shows the figure as being highly respected.[15] When one first looks at this relief, their view is usually drawn directly towards the two most prominent figures, that of Damasistrate and Polykleides. If there was no inscription remaining on this relief is would be difficult to tell which figure was being honoured. Within this group (Fig. 2) it is evident that Polykleides is portrayed just as prominently as his wife. He is shown in an almost &lsquoheroic&rsquo guise, with his chest exposed and the large arms accentuating his presence within this frame. This style of representing male figures is quite common on the stele(Fig. 3), but the considerable authority of Polykleides cannot be underestimated here.

One of the other important considerations in regard to this stele is the inscription. There are only two names mentioned: Polykleides and Damasistrate. Here again the presence of Polykleides rivals that of the deceased, his wife Damasistrate. This is the area that shall be addressed throughout the rest of this study: the prominence of influential family members on these reliefs. In this instance, the influence of Polykleides is difficult to ignore. He is mentioned in the inscription and his portrayal in the relief certainly does not make any deference to the deceased. In this sense, it is clear that there was another purpose for the reliefs besides honouring the deceased. The steleundoubtedly celebrates the glory and position of the family, particularly its most prominent member, Polykleides. There is a strong likelihood that Polykleides arranged for the erection of this memorial and wanted to make it clear that he had done so. Although it is impossible to be absolutely certain, he appears to be shown as the devoted husband of Damasistrate, affectionately holding her hand in the usual fashion for these reliefs. However, he is also clearly represented as the head of the household, thoroughly deserving a principal place in the relief.

Figure 3. Stele of Hippomachos and Kallias. Piraeus Museum (from Johansen).[16]

Figure 4. Stele of Prokleides, Prokles and Archippe. Athens Museum (from Johansen). [17]

The importance of properly representing the principal member of the familial group can also be viewed in other examples of the reliefs. A good example is the stele depicting Prokleides, Prokles and Archippe (Fig. 4).[18] This example represents Prokleides of the demos Aigilia, Prokles his son and Archippe who was probably the wife of Prokleides. The deceased in this example is not as clear as that of the previous example, but it was in all likelihood either Prokleides or Prokles who had expired.a href="#notes">[19] Regardless of this, it is the representation of the figures here that is under scrutiny. In either regard, one of these two characters would have been the leader of the family at the time of its construction. Firstly, it clearly shows the intimacy of their relationship with the use of the hand holding illustration. Both figures are equally prominent within the representation and are also closely linked through their gaze at one another. Archippe, on the other hand, is left almost completely out of the scene. She has been placed obviously in the background of the relief and she is shown to be looking blankly outwards, in the opposite direction to Prokleides and Prokles. This representation also shows the prominence of certain family members and the social significance that this must have held for the constructor of the memorial, who was probably either Prokleides or Prokles.

Figure 5. Stele of Thraseas and Euandria. Berlin Museum.[20] Accessible at:

The same prominence of two figures is also evident in the stele of Thraseas and Euandria, c. 350 BCE (Fig. 5). This example also clearly portrays the affection and intimacy between Thraseas and Euandria in a popular style of representation exhibiting husbands and wives. But similar to both the stele of Damasistrate and the stele of Prokleides, Prokles and Archippe, there are two central figures who are equal in their prominence within the relief. It must be noted at this point that women, especially those from the social elite, played a prominent role at funerals.[21] They were rarely in public view, usually only at funerals, weddings and religious or state festivals.[22] The third figure in the background is a small girl, who judging by the hairstyle, was probably intended to represent a slave-girl.[23] In this instance it is clear that this distinction is directly associated with the levels of status and authority for the figures depicted. Again, this is quite common on Attic funerary reliefs but this type of example may allow us to discern the social status and its representation on the grave memorials.

Figure 6. Stele of Aristylla. Athens Museum (from Johansen).[24]

Another interesting example of the display of status and importance within the grave reliefs is the stele of Aristylla. This relief depicts two figures, one woman seated on a &lsquothrone&rsquo chair and the other younger female standing before her. When this representation is first viewed, it appears that the seated woman is the central and primary figure in this relief. This is misleading. There is an accompanying inscription, which reads:&rsquoHere lies Aristylla, child of Ariston and Rodilla prudent indeed were you, o daughter&rsquo.[25] Therefore, it seems probable that the seated figure represents the mother Rodilla, and the standing female is shown as Aristylla, the deceased. It appears that the family chose a stelethat may have been previously made, which indicates that these grave stelai were probably not specially commissioned but were ready-made (discussed further below). In this instance the seated figure is not being respected as the deceased, but instead is being deferred to because of her familial position and relationship to the deceased. It is of interest at this point to note that there is no figure representing the father, Ariston. From the inscription we do not know whether he is alive or dead. In fact we do not know whether Rodilla is alive. Judging from the relief and the inscription, it seems likely that only one of her parents was alive at the time of her death, the sculpture either showing Rodilla and Aristylla while they were alive, or perhaps them meeting together in the Underworld. Unfortunately, it is impossible to tell one way or the other. But regardless of this, it is clear from this relief that the portrayal of differing status levels within the realm of Attic grave stelai was common and of some importance to those who commissioned them.

Figure 7. Stele . New York, Metropolitan Museum (from Johansen).[26]

The final stele to be considered (Fig. 7) is probably one of the earliest extant examples of the &lsquofamily group&rsquo reliefs. This sculpture also shows four figures, three of which represent the most important characters. With this stele , it is unknown who the deceased is, but it is the positioning of these figures that is going to be considered here. As with the first two reliefs considered, the principal figure appears to represent the father of the household. This person is depicted seated, in a position of respect and authority. The female figure behind is most likely an illustration of his wife and perhaps the female on the left-hand side is their daughter. The fourth figure is a miniature and it is feasible that she represents a slave-girl. The dominance of the central male character is clear in this relief. The interesting aspect of this relief is that there appears to be several levels of hierarchy within the image. At the top is the seated male, being placed at the centre of the familial group in a position of respect. Then follows the woman standing behind him. It is clear through the quality of her representation, with the intricate nature of her garments and headdress, that she symbolises his wife and probably mother to the other female. It is as if she is shown to be standing there, supporting her husband while looking at the woman on the left. This woman stands with her head bowed in obvious deference to these two figures, but her eyes are shown to be concentrating particularly upon the father figure. The lowest level of this hierarchy is the miniature slave-girl who appears to accentuate the status of the other figures even further. Unfortunately, because there is no surviving inscription to further this analysis, it is impossible to allocate these roles for certain, but they do seem like the most appropriate readings of this relief. But in spite of this, the portrayal of differing levels of social status is clearly evident and continues the tendency already noted in the previous reliefs.


There are several implications that can be drawn from this evident statement of social status in these reliefs. Firstly, it is clear that these funerary memorials had a dual purpose. The most important is that they are a clear expression of familial pride and loyalty, which is a common feature of Classical Greek society and religion.[27] This is particularly evident in the familial pride expressed by Pindar in his victory odes. Plato refers to the importance of the family bonds and their relationship with religion by stating: &lsquoWhen a person honours and respects the family relationship and the whole community of his kindred gods which shares the same descent and blood, he would, correspondingly, enjoy the favour of the familial gods, who will be well disposed toward his own begetting of children&rsquo. [28] The erection of such impressive grave stelai was a permanent exhibition of respect to the deceased from the household. But these reliefs also reflect the importance of displaying personal and familial status within society. As Morris has shown, some of the wealthy examples of stelai even adopted the symbols of the state for their own monuments.[29] Over time, with the popular resumption of building these reliefs, the sculptures became deeper and more complex, which may indicate some members of the community spending an increasing amount of money in order to heighten the effect and impressiveness of these memorials. The gradually increasing expense and competition for impressive grave stelai may have caused the edict of Demetrius of Phaleron in 317 BCE that banned excessive spending upon such monuments. [30]

It is clearly evident that these reliefs were used as a form of displaying the success and pride of the family, especially by the leading male of the household. It is the differentiation of status between the various characters depicted which is one of the most compelling attributes of these reliefs. Therefore, not only were they displaying the wealth and social position of the family as a whole, but they were frequently celebrating the foremost male and his personal position. The presentation of the status of the leading male should not be a surprise in view of the patriarchal social environment at the time. Yet it is of interest to note that these funerary reliefs were a manner in which this authority was expressed. But, as mentioned previously, the hierarchy within these images moves even further than the leading male. They commonly differentiate between the other members shown in the relief, especially concerning the servile figures.

However, the question of whether these reliefs were commissioned or ready-made still needs to be considered. Unfortunately, it is impossible to know for certain, but it appears more likely that they were custom-made. But this aspect does not impact greatly upon the point at hand. Even if most of the reliefs were originally devised from previously prepared templates and were ready made for generic significance, there were still a fairly broad range of images depicted, which means that they still would have been carefully selected. This choice of particular motifs and representations by the constructor allows us to determine that there must be some social significance in the reliefs. Whoever erected the memorials had the option to decide what kind of representation would be best, even if they had to choose from a variety of previously made reliefs. So, in conclusion, after examining the grave stelai from Athens, it becomes clear that there were significant messages concerning the social position of the household and its members on the funerary reliefs during the classical period. These images would have made a clear statement to those who viewed the reliefs, whether they were on a personal basis with the family or not. The ambiguous nature of the inscriptions shows that the words and name were not frequently expected to describe who the deceased was. Instead the message which the passer-by would receive was one of respect for the deceased, the social position of the family and the authority of their principal members.[31]

(the email you send to [email protected] will be read by the Eras editorial committee and published on the &ldquoDiscussion&rdquo page)


[1] N. Spivey, Understanding Greek Sculpture: Ancient Meanings Modern Readings, Thames and Hudson, New York, 1996 I. Morris, Death-Ritual and Social Structure in Classical Antiquity, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1996 R. Leader, &lsquoIn Death Not Divided: Gender, Family, and the State on Classical Athenian Grave Stele&lsquo,American Journal of Archaeology Vol. 101, 1997, pp. 683-99.

[2] Leader, &lsquoIn Death Not Divided&rsquo, p. 684.

[3] Andrew Stewart, Greek Sculpture: An Exploration, Vol. 1, Yale University Press, New Haven, 1990, p. 167.

[4] I. Morris, Death-Ritual and Social Structure in Classical Antiquity, p. 133.

[5] Brunilde Sismondo Ridgway, Fifth Century Styles in Greek Sculpture , Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey, 1981, p. 129.

[6] S.B. Pomeroy, Families in Classical and Hellenistic Greece, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1997, p. 133.

[7] Lysias, 31.21. See also Pomeroy,Families, pp. 117-118 V.J. Hunter, Policing Athens: Social Control in the Attic Lawsuits, 420-320 B.C., Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1994, p. 28.

[8] T.H. Nielsen, L. Bjerstrup, M.H. Hansen, L. Rubinstein and T. Vestergard, &lsquoAthenian Grave Monuments and Social Class&rsquo,Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies , Vol. 30, 1989, pp. 411-20.

[9] Brunilde Sismondo Ridgway, Fourth Century Styles in Greek Sculpture, Duckworth, London, 1997, p. 163.

[10] Leader, &lsquoIn Death Not Divided&rsquo, p. 685.

[11] Visual Reference from G. Richter, The Sculpture and Sculptors of the Greeks, 1st ed., Yale University Press: New Haven, 1930, fig. 215.

[12] Spivey, Understanding Greek Sculpture, p. 119.

[13] K. Friis Johansen, The Attic Grave-Reliefs of the Classical Period, Ejnar Munksgaard, Copenhagen, 1951, pp. 159-160.

[14] Visual Reference from Friis Johansen,The Attic Grave-Reliefs of the Classical Period , fig. 24, p. 45.

[15] Helen Nagy, &lsquoDivinity, Exaltation and Heroization: Thoughts on the Seated Posture in Early Archaic Greek Sculpture&rsquo, in Kim J. Hartswick and Mary C. Sturgeon (eds), Stephanos: Studies in Honour of Brunilde Sismondo Ridgway, University of Pennsylvania Museum Press, Philadelphia, 1998, p. 181.

[16] Visual Reference from Friis Johansen,The Attic Grave-Reliefs of the Classical Period, fig. 20, p. 39.

[17] Visual reference from Friis Johansen,The Attic Grave-Reliefs of the Classical Period, fig. 25, p. 46.

[18] Friis Johansen, The Attic Grave-Reliefs of the Classical Period , p. 47.

[19] Friis Johansen, The Attic Grave-Reliefs of the Classical Period, pp. 47-8.

[20] This Visual Reference is still under copyright. I have instead provided a weblink to a high quality photograph of the Stele of Thraseas and Euandria.

[22] R. Just, Women in Athenian Law and Life, Routledge, London, 1989, pp. 120-121.

[23] There are similarities between the portrayal of this figure and the slave-girl in Figure 2.

[24] Visual Reference from Friis Johansen,The Attic Grave-Reliefs of the Classical Period , fig. 18, p. 35.

[25] Friis Johansen, The Attic Grave-Reliefs of the Classical Period, p. 36.

[26] Visual Reference from Friis Johansen,The Attic Grave-Reliefs of the Classical Period , fig. 22, p. 43.

[27] C.B. Patterson, The Family in Greek History, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass., 1998, p. 65.

[29] Morris, Death-ritual and Social Structure in Classical Antiquity , p. 144.

[30] Sismondo Ridgway, Fourth Century Styles in Greek Sculpture, p. 157.

[31] I would like to thank Olivia Sedsman and Daniel Dzino for their valuable assistance and comments on the preparation of this paper. However, any mistakes are entirely the responsibility of the author.

(the email you send to [email protected] will be read by the Eras editorial committee and published on the &ldquoDiscussion&rdquo page)

Historic grave saved, but not shared

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The grave of Thomas Ogle – whose family farmed and settled the area that was called Ogle’s Town and now is called Ogletown – was saved and restored as part of roadwork at the intersection, but the project did not include a curb cut, parking spot or nearby lot with a walkway for potential guests to see it safely. (Photo: NEWS JOURNAL FILE PHOTO) Buy Photo

An important link to the past nearly was lost in Ogletown.

And, although it was preserved, don't put the grave of Thomas Ogle on your list of Endless Discoveries you want to explore in Delaware.

Officials said when they saved the intriguing grave that there's no safe way to drive up and visit.

The subject surfaced in recent discussion of Ogletown by the Facebook group, "Memories of Newark, Delaware."

Members commented on the grave, but did not know if it was still there, got moved or what.

The nearly destroyed grave was saved in the late 1980s. That was when the Department of Transportation was working on road widening at Del. 273 and Del. 4, at the heart of the colonial-era hamlet first called Ogle's Town.

Before the road-widening project, a 1987 archaeological study found "artifacts from the Archaic (6500 to 3000 BC) and Woodland I (3000 BC to AD 1000) periods."

The location of the former Hesseltine's Dairy Queen also had buried artifacts, the study found.

But the most significant find was on the intersection's east corner, near where the westbound lane of Christiana Road (Del. 273) has a turn lane to Del. 4, which is Chestnut Hill Road to the west of the intersection and Ogletown-Stanton road to its east.

On that corner, archaeologists found Ogle's grave, "badly disturbed by road construction and the construction of a gas station on the site."

Extensive work was needed to keep it from crumbling away – and not all of what remains at the site is original.

The rectangular brick base over the grave needed rebuilding and the unique marble slab that topped it was badly broken. So, as part of the road project, a granite replica was made of the marble slab and the original was sent for safekeeping to University of Delaware, DelDOT historic preservation specialist Mike Hahn said at the time.

The slab says, "Here lies the Body of Thomas Ogle who departed this Life the 23rd day of December 1771 Aged 66 years. Glass is run, Work is done / Deed I lie under Ground / Entombed in Clay until the Day / I hear the trumpet sound."

This 1955 photo shows the since-razed house Thomas Ogle built in the 1700s, which he followed by building an inn, founding the hamlet of Ogle’s Town, now called Ogletown. (Photo: DELAWARE DEPARTMENT OF TRANSPORTATION)

In the Facebook discussion, group member Ray Honecker, now of Colorado, recalled seeing the old slab back in the day, and made note of when Ogle died.

"It was kinda special to me as a kid, walking by it regularly," he posted. "I remember being really upset that he died just a couple of days before Christmas and how awful that must have been for him and his family. "

Historic preservation of the grave – left just where it was – required some re-design of the turn lane to reduce the chance of damage, if vehicles missed the turn, DelDOT officials said at the time.

When the restored grave was dedicated and Ogle's legacy honored, the few DelDOT officials and one reporter who attended had to park a good distance away and walk awhile to get there.

DelDOT officials acknowledged they made no place to park near the grave, saying that would have been too hazardous at the busy intersection.

A plaque on the brick base notes that the Ogle/Ogles Family Assoication, dedicated to preservation of their genealogy and history, helped beautify the grave of their "Colonial ancestor," calling him the "Founder of Ogletown."

But there is no sign or state historical marker nearby. No place to visit and learn the story of the area, his family or his massive farm of about 2,000 acres around the crossroads – or his building of the first house and an inn for travelers there, attracting more homes, stores and taverns there.

The ample Facebook discussion – also sharing recollections of Ogletown families, the local veterinarian, hanging out at the Dairy Queen and other fond memories – seems to show there is ample interest among residents and former residents.

And your Delaware Backstory reporter can't count the number of times newcomers and guests have asked, "Why do they call it Ogletown?"

But without safe public access to the notable grave or interpretation of the family's role, Ogletown's historic site and the hamlet's former role as a hospitality center between bustling Newark and Christiana largely will go unshared, lost to time as the grave nearly was.

1. The Freemasons Are the Oldest Fraternal Organization in the World.

Freemasons belong to the oldest fraternal organization in the world, a group begun during the Middle Ages in Europe as a guild of skilled builders. With the decline of cathedral building, the focus of the society shifted. Today, 𠇏reemasons are a social and philanthropic organization meant to make its members lead more virtuous and socially oriented lives,” says Margaret Jacob, professor of history at University of California, Los Angeles, and author of Living the Enlightenment: Freemasonry and Politics in Eighteenth-Century Europe. Grounded in the Enlightenment, the organization “still conveys [the era’s] core values, religious tolerance, thirst for knowledge [and] sociability,” says Cຜile Révauger, a freemason, historian of Freemasonry and professor at the University of Bordeaux.

While not a secret society, per se, it does have secret passwords and rituals that originate with the medieval guild, says Jacob: “In the original guild, there were three stages: Apprentice, Fellowcraft and Master Masons who oversaw everyone working on a site. Today, these degrees are more philosophical.”

Did you know? The Regius Poem, or Halliwell Manuscript, contains the earliest reference to Freemasons and was published in 1390.

Marble Grave Stele with a Family Group - History

This is my great-grandfather Alexander McGinnis' tombstone in Crown Cemetery, near Morriston, Ontario. You can see that his date of birth is 1844. My uncle took me to this cemetery when I was starting my research into my father's family tree. After seeing the tombstone, I copied the information inscribed and dutifully entered 1844 into my genealogy program as Alex's date of birth.

Then I searched census records for Alex, and the more I found, the more discrepancies were revealed. Each census recorded him with a variety of ages that of course resulted in an equal variety of estimated years of birth.

* In 1861 his age was recorded as 12, giving him a year of birth of circa 1849
* In 1871 his age was recorded as 23, giving him a year of birth of circa 1848
* In 1881 his age was recorded as 30, giving him a year of birth of circa 1851
* In 1891 his age was recorded as 41, giving him a year of birth of circa 1850
* In 1901 his age was recorded as 43, giving him a year of birth of circa 1857
* In 1911 his age was recorded as 62, and the record year of birth was 1848

I knew the questions asked about an individual’s age varied on different census years. That meant that different questions, such as what was the individual's age at last birthday, at next birthday, or right now, would result in an age range of a few years.

Alex's years of birth, except for 1901 census, were fairly consistently showing his date of birth to be between 1848 and 1851. But that was quite different from the 1844 date of birth shown on his tombstone!

I decided to find his marriage record. But that was no help either. At his marriage in September 1876 he gave his age as 22. That put his year of birth at circa 1854. Surely he knew how old he was, or so I reasoned at the time. So perhaps the 1854-year was most accurate. But what about that tombstone?

I eventually discovered that his eldest daughter Mary had paid for his stone and had it engraved. My uncle had also questioned the year of birth on Alex's tombstone but apparently Aunt Mary had always insisted that she celebrated her father's birthday every year and thus she certainly knew how old he was, therefore she knew when he was born.

Alex and his family were Roman Catholic. I knew what church the family attended but the records of that church were not available to the public nor were they microfilmed. Then came a bit of luck. A few years ago the church began offering a research service. For a reasonable fee the church secretary would look through the original church books for a record.

I sent a request for the baptism of Alex, and soon received a copy in the mail. He was baptised on 3 February 1850 but born on 3 November 1849. His tombstone, erected by his daughter, was out by five years.

So why the discrepancies? Why did Alex not give his correct age when he married in 1876? He was actually 27 years old that year, so why did he say he was 22? The census years were fairly close to his correct year of birth so obviously he knew his age. It is not uncommon to find that an ancestor might not his or her exact age but Alex appeared to know his (except for the 1901 census)

Then I realized that the marriage registrations are copies of what was sent in by the minister. So the original entry may indeed have read "27" but the "7" could have been misread as a "2" resulting in the incorrect age of 22 for Alex.

So everything can be explained except for the 1901 census record and the tombstone inscription. But can we explain the census record? Yes. We do not know who gave the information to the census taker. In 1901 Alex lived with his sister, her husband and daughter, and his mother who was in her late 70s. Depending who the census taker spoke to, the age given for Alex could be quite incorrect.

That brings us back to the original culprit - that darned tombstone. Aunt Mary was 60 when her father Alex died. She thought he was 91. In reality he was 87. Was she confused? Had she never known her father's real age? Or did Alex tell his family his wrong age as he reached his 80s?

My mother did that. She turned 92 in 2006, but for two years prior to that birthday she had been adding a year or two on to her real age. In July 2006 she told everyone at a family reunion that she was 93 and would be 94 on her birthday in September. So she added two years to her real age. She was as sharp as a tack so I still have no idea why she fibbed to make herself older. I'm the only one of my siblings who seems to know her actual age, my brothers and sister believe whatever she tells them. If they were to have a tombstone inscribed for her, it's almost guaranteed it would have the wrong year of birth.

And thus we have the moral of my story of a Grave Mistake - that even if it's written in stone it could be wrong.

If you'd like to learn more about cemetery records, watch any of the four classes on the topic in the Legacy library.

Lorine McGinnis Schulze is a Canadian genealogist who has been involved with genealogy and history for more than thirty years. In 1996 Lorine created the Olive Tree Genealogy website and its companion blog. Lorine is the author of many published genealogical and historical articles and books.

Giant Heroes Burial Ground Tomb location, solution and Ancient Stele

This tomb is located in Marble Bay on the island of Naxos.


Enter the tomb, and smash the wooden planks in the second chamber to reveal a doorway. Inside, jump into the water and dive down. Grab the loot down below, then swim through the doorway.


Open the chest at the end of this corridor, then head down the stairs. In the next room, swim up to the surface. Move the wooden shelf, run over the spike floor pad and enter the chamber with a chest and the stele.


Forward into the past

Journalist Ron Rosenbaum once spent some time in Dallas, Texas among JFK assassination buffs — who one might less-charitably call conspiracy theorists. He climbed up the grassy knoll around Dealey Plaza, and even down into the dark bowels beneath the street to look out of a storm drain, lowering himself bodily into one of the many suspected sniper positions. He looked out on Elm Street through a small rectangle of light, gaining just the perspective one buff wanted him to see. It made a handy metaphor for his benevolent skepticism toward the people for whom the assassination, then 25 years gone, now closer to 50, was much more than history. "I want you to know my attitude toward these people," he wrote, "which can be summed up by saying that I’ll go down into the manhole with them but I won’t pull the cover over my head."

But what struck him most about the buffs was not their imaginative ability to fill the plaza with ghostly snipers, or to weave disparate, tenuous facts into coherent if outlandish narratives. It was the quality of their grief. Decades later, they still mourned for a handsome and charismatic young man gunned down in public on a bright November day — a man who also happened to be president. "They are mourners," Rosenbaum wrote. "Their investigation of the assassination is a continuation of his last rites that they can’t abandon. Unlike the rest of us, they haven’t stopped grieving." Their search for a truth could never end, even as it spiraled out to take in more and more of the world. It served the same function as the eternal flame on Kennedy’s grave, keeping his story — a story — in living memory.

Lincoln hasn’t inspired that same sense of personal connection. Whether it’s because he’s receded too far in time to be recognizably human, becoming only an idealized figure of America’s Greatest President, or, conversely, because unlike Kennedy he lived before celebrity culture swallowed politics as it has everything else, providing the (stage-managed, focus-grouped) illusion of intimacy with even the president, Lincoln’s death does not move people to grief. As Secretary of War Edwin Stanton supposedly said upon hearing of Lincoln’s death, "Now he belongs to the ages" a towering martyr-figure immortalized in Georgia white marble, his words carved into rock around him.

The Monument to Memory of John Wilkes Booth erected by "Pink" Parker..

Booth got his own monument, erected in 1906 by a Confederate veteran in Troy, Alabama. The 3-foot stone read, "Erected by Pink Parker in honor of John Wilks Booth [sic] for killing Old Abe Lincoln." Denied his request to place the monument in front of the local courthouse, Parker instead placed it in his own yard. It was refashioned into his headstone when he died 15 years later.

The picture of a Union preserved but never truly united

That may seem anomalous, a trivial historical curiosity. Yet even today, if you visit Booth’s grave in Maryland, you’ll recognize Americans declaring their allegiance. In a corner of the family plot a white footstone rises from the ground. Because it’s unmarked, visitors often assume it’s John Wilkes Booth’s final resting place. On a recent visit, it was covered with pennies, dozens of tiny Abraham Lincoln portraits resting in the sun. They even perched in the family stele, tucked into the center of the double "o" in "Booth." And until recently, if you visited the site of Booth’s death, leaving the highway and traipsing into the overgrown median, you’d find his picture waiting in the woods above a wreath and a black ribbon. There were benches, and in the ground a plaque reading, "Let your peace fall upon the soul of John Wilkes Booth. The Twenty-First Century Confederate Legion." On the plaque lay pennies, placed face down. The picture of a Union preserved but never truly united.

This unfinished past haunts Joanne Hulme she says the Booth family saga has given her 50 years of angst. She lives in a comfortable artist’s apartment in Philadelphia, where she carries on her mother’s work to prove that John Wilkes is buried in the family plot. She doesn’t want to pass such responsibility on to the next generation. For her, the question is not about correcting history, but setting right the story of her family. "I try to let my siblings know — don’t be like these historians," she says, "Don’t let John Wilkes Booth be the person who has wrecked the legacy of many generations."

Asked whether this recent setback has brought his quest to an end, Nate Orlowek responds, "At every step of the way I felt like the story, had, so to speak, ended, because my goal always was to just do the best I could. The only people who lose are the ones who don’t try." He’s appealing to the public, hoping to put pressure on the National Museum of Health and Medicine. He wants other people to take up the fight. And maybe there are other options: the Mütter Museum’s tissue sample, maybe, or some as-yet-undiscovered non-destructive test. Don’t give up, he says: "In the end we can all win, if we get the truth."

And there’s still that mummy, poor old David E. George. Maybe if it could be found, its DNA could match Edwin Booth’s. But only a few people — maybe no one, actually — knows where the mummy currently rests. After touring the country for decades, it disappeared in the mid-1970s, last seen in Pennsylvania. Rumor has it the mummy belongs to a private collector who’s keeping it a secret, right under Nate Orlowek’s nose. Just another undead piece of American history, ready to rise up again when you least expect it.

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